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Author Topic: Yesterday’s Times- excellent essay by Trevor Phillips  (Read 385 times)
Holgateoldskool
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« on: September 20, 2020, 11:35:45 AM »

If you arnt aware, Phillips is a black man. He writes with eloquence about why a nation’s past should not be erased. And he qualifies why this should be the case. If you get the chance, have a read. It is the literal of common sense written by a man who could hold a grudge- if he had a massive chip on his shoulder
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« Reply #1 on: September 20, 2020, 12:46:30 PM »

Paywalled - can anyone post it?
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Wee_Willie
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« Reply #2 on: September 20, 2020, 01:27:57 PM »

Good guy Mr Phillips but is regarded as a coconut and was effectively sacked by Corbyn's wokes

WEEKEND ESSAY
Trevor Phillips: When you erase a nation’s past, you threaten its future
The woke ultras who want to wipe away all symbols of British imperialism don’t speak for families who lived under the Empire



Are we a nation of irredeemably and uniquely evil imperialists? Or is that a gross caricature that distorts our rich and complex history? Britain’s colonial past was thrust into the present this week when the prime minister of Barbados cheekily used the Commonwealth nation’s equivalent of the Queen’s Speech to reveal she planned to sack the island’s head of state and replace her with an elected president. Her Majesty showed no sign of being amused. Dispensing with four centuries of constitutional, cultural and emotional entanglement is not a matter to be taken lightly.

Still, winds of change appear to be blowing strongly across the western world, and even traditionalists are bending in the gale. The Barbadian PM, for instance, actually leads the more conservative of the country’s two main parties. As the assault on the history of colonialism and Empire sets revolutionary hearts beating faster, attempts to rewrite Britain’s past are mounting up. At the start of the summer, the think tank Policy Exchange (of which I’m a member) launched a project to list the steps being taken to move a statue here, and rename a school there. This now threatens to become a tsunami that engulfs classrooms, workplaces, museums and virtually every public square in the land. The battle over symbols is proving as divisive as Brexit ever did — and may go on for even longer.

History matters. Every revolution starts with the destruction of the symbols of the past and often the elimination of those who resist abolishing them. During China’s Cultural Revolution, Mao Zedong banished any intellectuals who survived the purges to farms where they could feed their pearls of wisdom to swine rather than students. After the French Revolution, the National Convention in Paris simply decreed that history would start again, declaring 1792 “Year One”. Pol Pot followed suit; 1975 became Year Zero, ushering the massacre of at least a million Cambodians. And in an era of uncertainty, whoever redraws the map of the past wins the right to chart the course to the future.

 
SOCIALLY DISTANCED LEARNING
Good University Guide 2021
The definitive British university rankings provide the information to allow you to make an informed choice about your higher education
Find out how at your university
In The Greatest Benefit To Mankind: A Medical History of Humanity, Roy Porter wrote: “The historical record is like the night sky: we see a few stars and group them together into mythic constellations. But what is chiefly visible is the darkness.” Professor Porter meant that there is nothing objective about history; it is what we make of it, since so much of the past is either invisible or unknowable.

All over the West today, points of light that once defined the past are being extinguished. Like Porter, I believe that the history of the relationship between Britain and its colonies needs to be constantly reinterpreted with fresh knowledge and insight, rather than erased. In our book Windrush: The Irresistible Rise of Multiracial Britain, my brother and I attempted to insert a new thread in the rich tapestry of British history, about the legacy of the great postwar migration from the Caribbean. But current attempts to retell our imperial history as an unremitting saga of brutality, conquest and racism do an injustice to both the past and the present.


We should never play down the awfulness of those times. The London that my parents emigrated to after the war was a city where families would move out of the street because we had moved in, children we thought were our friends were forbidden to play with us, and packs of teddy boys would roam London streets “n****r-hunting” (the term appeared in official reports). But it was also a place where ambitious young men and women, tired of the stifling atmosphere of village life, and sheer drudgery in rural backwaters plagued by poor soil, flood and hurricanes, could remake themselves in big cities; or at the very least, could hope that their children would make a wholly different kind of life. Ironically, the Windrush story itself has produced two radically different versions of history.

One is an optimistic version drawn from the testimonies of the original voyagers. In our book, there are many stories of hardship and struggles against hostility and racism. But there are also countless tales of people who made a new home in Britain, and saw a nation change from the racially divided 1950s to the largely open-minded liberal society we live in today. Not one of the dozens of men and women we interviewed ever said that they regretted coming to Britain.

The Delhi Durbar of 1911 was a high point of Empire
The Delhi Durbar of 1911 was a high point of Empire
ALAMY
But there is another version which is less about the ambitions of the voyagers themselves and more about the failures of the society into which they sailed. That story starts with the “Windrush scandal” of the past ten years, in which a shamefully neglectful Home Office persecuted hundreds of the descendants of those first migrants, making them victims of a “hostile environment” and targets for racists.

Neither version of the history is complete, though both carry essential truths. The first version shows British society as essentially benign and ready to acknowledge its errors and try to make up for them. The latter suggests Britain is, at its core, riddled with inequality and unfairness — and who would not want to tear that down?

As the child of Caribbean migrants, who grew up in some rough parts of London, I have a different view of our past, and a strong belief that the British are a decent people — who could be a better nation. Yet nuanced views like this are increasingly unfashionable among the new wave of woke revolutionists. It is not an accident that their principal targets for excoriation are people of colour, who by their very successes challenge the narrative that Britain’s imperial past has created an undiluted “structural” bigotry in society.

The black educator Tony Sewell has put hundreds of young minority men and women on the path to professional success as doctors and scientists; the head teacher Katharine Birbalsingh last year produced some of the country’s top exam results in a largely minority school. Yet both are now denounced by activists as “coons” for challenging ludicrous racist propositions; for example, that young black people should not be expected to speak standard English in school.

Thus, on university campuses students are preparing for the new term by cancelling speakers they dislike and erasing the names of historical figures of whom they disapprove, such as the imperialist and mining tycoon Cecil Rhodes. Craven academics are falling over themselves to appease the mob by claiming that they have always wanted to “decolonise” the second law of thermodynamics. The curators of museums, such as the Pitt Rivers in Oxford, are blowing the dust off artefacts and monuments they had forgotten existed and agonising about their years of pain co-existing with inanimate but somehow profoundly distressing lumps of stone.

It says something about standards of modern scholarship that figures whose work has been taught and studied in British universities for generations are only just now being revealed as vicious racists. In the past week, Edinburgh University has removed David Hume’s name from one of its buildings because of the philosopher’s supposed assent to the idea of slavery. The Royal Academy of Dramatic Art’s George Bernard Shaw Theatre may be renamed because of his alleged backing for eugenics, an enthusiasm shared with much of the left, including Beatrice and Sidney Webb, the founders of the Fabian Society, and the author HG Wells. We may see the Labour Party and The Time Machine erased before long. Shaw, who observed that “youth is wasted on the young” also said, in words his priggish latterday critics would do well to consider: “The first condition of progress is the removal of censorship.” So much for science and innovation in higher education.

Elsewhere, woke authors of all races are preparing the next prime-time exploration of their personal suffering, with the possible working title of Why I’m The Only Person Who Truly Understands The Pain Of Being Black and Constantly On TV. A Martian landing in London might quickly conclude that Britain is a racist, transphobic, xenophobic, refugee-hating hotbed of reactionaries.

The interplanetary visitor will not read much in new-look history books about the hundreds of thousands of British workers who refused to handle Confederate trade during the American Civil War because it was tainted by slavery, or the women who raised a vast petition against the slave trade, or the families who boycotted sugar in protest at the cruelty on plantations thousands of miles away.

Some may imagine that those who actually suffered under colonialism would be desperate to join the revolutionary posturing. I’m afraid they would be disappointed. Much of the street theatre in Britain is led by protesters whose closest encounter with the painful legacy of Empire will have been an especially hot vindaloo.

Antiracists demonstrate in London at the height of the summer’s Black Lives Matter movement
Antiracists demonstrate in London at the height of the summer’s Black Lives Matter movement
VICTORIA JONES/PA
This is not a black-and-white matter; African slaves were not captured in Bristol, and they were not first herded into what Bob Marley called “the bottomless pit” of slave ships in Barbados. Those who have African heritage might do well, before they denounce long-dead British slave owners, to find out which side of the vile transactions in West Africa’s slave ports their own ancestors stood.

This is not a black-and-white matter; African slaves were not captured in Bristol, and they were not first herded into what Bob Marley called “the bottomless pit” of slave ships in Barbados. Those who have African heritage might do well, before they denounce long-dead British slave owners, to find out which side of the vile transactions in west Africa’s slave ports their own ancestors stood.

Those, like me, whose lives were directly shaped by the legacy of colonialism are far less exercised about the symbols of the past than those whose lives were not. We take a more balanced view. Barbados’s most famous son, Sir Garry Sobers, is arguably the greatest cricketer the world has ever seen. In a country where the sport is almost a religion, he is a shoo-in for the presidency if he wants it; his only possible rival, the Barbadian-Guyanese singer Rihanna, will have to wait her turn. Told about the plans for a republic, the octogenarian affected to be puzzled that anybody would go to the trouble of replacing a perfectly adequate and still fully functioning head of state.

It does not seem to bother anyone in the islands that many of the premier educational institutions in the Caribbean still carry the names of slave owners — Codrington College in Barbados — or the imperial past — Queen’s Royal College in Port of Spain. In Georgetown, boys and girls at my own alma mater, Queen’s College, still sing the school song Reginae Collegium in Latin as they have done for almost two centuries — even though in 1970, the year that Guyana became a republic, staff and students agreed to drop the verse about being loyal to Britain. There is no clamour to change the names; all three of these institutions and many more like them were created expressly to provide education for black children who were excluded from private tuition.

As for recent attempts to smear Churchill, I don’t suppose the young, mostly white, middle-class protesters who attacked his statue in Parliament Square would have much in common with the thousands of Caribbean men named after the war leader. Half a century after his death it is still one of the most popular names in Jamaica. I hesitate to repeat what Windrush veterans who were inspired to fight for the Empire by Churchill would say to those who daubed his statue with the word “racist”. History is never as simple as the woke anti-imperialists strive to make it.

The progressive movement, that has done so much to tackle inequality and unfairness, has been captured by ultras who demand absolute conformity with every article of their faith, especially from those who were once comrades in arms.

So it was depressing if not surprising that the Irish singing duo Jedward declared this week that the works of the feminist author JK Rowling should be burnt because she is, allegedly, transphobic. The fact that this phenomenally successful woman has put her money where her mouth is and supported countless charities, especially for underprivileged children, no longer counts for anything.


JK Rowling has compared gender treatment to gay conversion therapy
ANTHONY HARVEY/GETTY IMAGES
History shows us vividly where such zealous intolerance leads. In 1793, the author of The Rights of Man, Thomas Paine, whose works had helped to inspire both the American and French revolutions, was flung into jail on Robespierre’s orders for a lack of revolutionary fervour. It took an intervention from the future American president James Monroe to free him. As the Swiss-born political journalist Jacques Mallet du Pan observed at the time, the revolution was, like Saturn, devouring its own children and would become at least as bad as what came before.

Mallet du Pan was right. His bête noire, the revolution’s military hero, Napoleon Bonaparte, became a dictator and in 1794 dispatched troops to the Caribbean — not to quell a royalist revolt but to restore slavery to the republic.

Today, the effort to erase aspects of our history is a warning. We have never been in greater need of a full, complex version of our past. But human memories are short. According to a survey this year, over a third of Americans did not know when the Holocaust occurred; fewer than half were aware that Hitler had come to power in a democratic election. A 2019 poll showed that half did not realise that slavery existed in all 13 American colonies.

Censorship of the past is merely the warm-up for the crushing of dissent in the future. If we remove the reminders of where we have been, we take away the signposts to the cul-de-sacs — fascism, communism, genocide — into which human greed, vanity and selfishness have taken us, and we will almost certainly take the same routes again.

To misquote the wokeists’ favourite prophet Karl Marx, “History repeats itself, first as farce, then as tragedy.” The culture that seeks to damn our past and cancel anyone who disagrees promises dark days ahead.
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« Reply #3 on: September 20, 2020, 01:55:00 PM »

I don’t understand why people feel the need to apologise for what happened several generations ago, in some cases several centuries. If they want to pretend the empire didn’t exist why don’t people who were brought here as part of the slave trade just go back to where their family originated from? They’ve had the opportunity for education, which is better than most of their ancestral nations, they’ve had the potential to save money which will be worth a lot more in underdeveloped countries so they’ve got a good head start. Nothing has stopped them learning their native tongue whilst growing up in the uk and they’re not in chains.

Is that too simplistic? Why try to force change and bring small parts of other cultures here when there’s nothing stopping them moving to live their ancestor’s culture 100%, why settle for less? 

Am I missing something obvious? It’s no different to a Brit moving abroad looking for better future and then complaining their new home is not british enough. I’d expect the host nation to say go back to Britain if that’s what you want.

I’m not a non-white person growing up the UK so maybe I don’t understand but I have lived all over the world, including non white christian countries, so I get the basics. I didn’t stay in the other countries because I like the british lifestyle.
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nekder365
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« Reply #4 on: September 20, 2020, 02:17:27 PM »

Good guy Mr Phillips but is regarded as a coconut and was effectively sacked by Corbyn's wokes

WEEKEND ESSAY
Trevor Phillips: When you erase a nation’s past, you threaten its future
The woke ultras who want to wipe away all symbols of British imperialism don’t speak for families who lived under the Empire



Are we a nation of irredeemably and uniquely evil imperialists? Or is that a gross caricature that distorts our rich and complex history? Britain’s colonial past was thrust into the present this week when the prime minister of Barbados cheekily used the Commonwealth nation’s equivalent of the Queen’s Speech to reveal she planned to sack the island’s head of state and replace her with an elected president. Her Majesty showed no sign of being amused. Dispensing with four centuries of constitutional, cultural and emotional entanglement is not a matter to be taken lightly.

Still, winds of change appear to be blowing strongly across the western world, and even traditionalists are bending in the gale. The Barbadian PM, for instance, actually leads the more conservative of the country’s two main parties. As the assault on the history of colonialism and Empire sets revolutionary hearts beating faster, attempts to rewrite Britain’s past are mounting up. At the start of the summer, the think tank Policy Exchange (of which I’m a member) launched a project to list the steps being taken to move a statue here, and rename a school there. This now threatens to become a tsunami that engulfs classrooms, workplaces, museums and virtually every public square in the land. The battle over symbols is proving as divisive as Brexit ever did — and may go on for even longer.

History matters. Every revolution starts with the destruction of the symbols of the past and often the elimination of those who resist abolishing them. During China’s Cultural Revolution, Mao Zedong banished any intellectuals who survived the purges to farms where they could feed their pearls of wisdom to swine rather than students. After the French Revolution, the National Convention in Paris simply decreed that history would start again, declaring 1792 “Year One”. Pol Pot followed suit; 1975 became Year Zero, ushering the massacre of at least a million Cambodians. And in an era of uncertainty, whoever redraws the map of the past wins the right to chart the course to the future.

 
SOCIALLY DISTANCED LEARNING
Good University Guide 2021
The definitive British university rankings provide the information to allow you to make an informed choice about your higher education
Find out how at your university
In The Greatest Benefit To Mankind: A Medical History of Humanity, Roy Porter wrote: “The historical record is like the night sky: we see a few stars and group them together into mythic constellations. But what is chiefly visible is the darkness.” Professor Porter meant that there is nothing objective about history; it is what we make of it, since so much of the past is either invisible or unknowable.

All over the West today, points of light that once defined the past are being extinguished. Like Porter, I believe that the history of the relationship between Britain and its colonies needs to be constantly reinterpreted with fresh knowledge and insight, rather than erased. In our book Windrush: The Irresistible Rise of Multiracial Britain, my brother and I attempted to insert a new thread in the rich tapestry of British history, about the legacy of the great postwar migration from the Caribbean. But current attempts to retell our imperial history as an unremitting saga of brutality, conquest and racism do an injustice to both the past and the present.


We should never play down the awfulness of those times. The London that my parents emigrated to after the war was a city where families would move out of the street because we had moved in, children we thought were our friends were forbidden to play with us, and packs of teddy boys would roam London streets “n****r-hunting” (the term appeared in official reports). But it was also a place where ambitious young men and women, tired of the stifling atmosphere of village life, and sheer drudgery in rural backwaters plagued by poor soil, flood and hurricanes, could remake themselves in big cities; or at the very least, could hope that their children would make a wholly different kind of life. Ironically, the Windrush story itself has produced two radically different versions of history.

One is an optimistic version drawn from the testimonies of the original voyagers. In our book, there are many stories of hardship and struggles against hostility and racism. But there are also countless tales of people who made a new home in Britain, and saw a nation change from the racially divided 1950s to the largely open-minded liberal society we live in today. Not one of the dozens of men and women we interviewed ever said that they regretted coming to Britain.

The Delhi Durbar of 1911 was a high point of Empire
The Delhi Durbar of 1911 was a high point of Empire
ALAMY
But there is another version which is less about the ambitions of the voyagers themselves and more about the failures of the society into which they sailed. That story starts with the “Windrush scandal” of the past ten years, in which a shamefully neglectful Home Office persecuted hundreds of the descendants of those first migrants, making them victims of a “hostile environment” and targets for racists.

Neither version of the history is complete, though both carry essential truths. The first version shows British society as essentially benign and ready to acknowledge its errors and try to make up for them. The latter suggests Britain is, at its core, riddled with inequality and unfairness — and who would not want to tear that down?

As the child of Caribbean migrants, who grew up in some rough parts of London, I have a different view of our past, and a strong belief that the British are a decent people — who could be a better nation. Yet nuanced views like this are increasingly unfashionable among the new wave of woke revolutionists. It is not an accident that their principal targets for excoriation are people of colour, who by their very successes challenge the narrative that Britain’s imperial past has created an undiluted “structural” bigotry in society.

The black educator Tony Sewell has put hundreds of young minority men and women on the path to professional success as doctors and scientists; the head teacher Katharine Birbalsingh last year produced some of the country’s top exam results in a largely minority school. Yet both are now denounced by activists as “coons” for challenging ludicrous racist propositions; for example, that young black people should not be expected to speak standard English in school.

Thus, on university campuses students are preparing for the new term by cancelling speakers they dislike and erasing the names of historical figures of whom they disapprove, such as the imperialist and mining tycoon Cecil Rhodes. Craven academics are falling over themselves to appease the mob by claiming that they have always wanted to “decolonise” the second law of thermodynamics. The curators of museums, such as the Pitt Rivers in Oxford, are blowing the dust off artefacts and monuments they had forgotten existed and agonising about their years of pain co-existing with inanimate but somehow profoundly distressing lumps of stone.

It says something about standards of modern scholarship that figures whose work has been taught and studied in British universities for generations are only just now being revealed as vicious racists. In the past week, Edinburgh University has removed David Hume’s name from one of its buildings because of the philosopher’s supposed assent to the idea of slavery. The Royal Academy of Dramatic Art’s George Bernard Shaw Theatre may be renamed because of his alleged backing for eugenics, an enthusiasm shared with much of the left, including Beatrice and Sidney Webb, the founders of the Fabian Society, and the author HG Wells. We may see the Labour Party and The Time Machine erased before long. Shaw, who observed that “youth is wasted on the young” also said, in words his priggish latterday critics would do well to consider: “The first condition of progress is the removal of censorship.” So much for science and innovation in higher education.

Elsewhere, woke authors of all races are preparing the next prime-time exploration of their personal suffering, with the possible working title of Why I’m The Only Person Who Truly Understands The Pain Of Being Black and Constantly On TV. A Martian landing in London might quickly conclude that Britain is a racist, transphobic, xenophobic, refugee-hating hotbed of reactionaries.

The interplanetary visitor will not read much in new-look history books about the hundreds of thousands of British workers who refused to handle Confederate trade during the American Civil War because it was tainted by slavery, or the women who raised a vast petition against the slave trade, or the families who boycotted sugar in protest at the cruelty on plantations thousands of miles away.

Some may imagine that those who actually suffered under colonialism would be desperate to join the revolutionary posturing. I’m afraid they would be disappointed. Much of the street theatre in Britain is led by protesters whose closest encounter with the painful legacy of Empire will have been an especially hot vindaloo.

Antiracists demonstrate in London at the height of the summer’s Black Lives Matter movement
Antiracists demonstrate in London at the height of the summer’s Black Lives Matter movement
VICTORIA JONES/PA
This is not a black-and-white matter; African slaves were not captured in Bristol, and they were not first herded into what Bob Marley called “the bottomless pit” of slave ships in Barbados. Those who have African heritage might do well, before they denounce long-dead British slave owners, to find out which side of the vile transactions in West Africa’s slave ports their own ancestors stood.

This is not a black-and-white matter; African slaves were not captured in Bristol, and they were not first herded into what Bob Marley called “the bottomless pit” of slave ships in Barbados. Those who have African heritage might do well, before they denounce long-dead British slave owners, to find out which side of the vile transactions in west Africa’s slave ports their own ancestors stood.

Those, like me, whose lives were directly shaped by the legacy of colonialism are far less exercised about the symbols of the past than those whose lives were not. We take a more balanced view. Barbados’s most famous son, Sir Garry Sobers, is arguably the greatest cricketer the world has ever seen. In a country where the sport is almost a religion, he is a shoo-in for the presidency if he wants it; his only possible rival, the Barbadian-Guyanese singer Rihanna, will have to wait her turn. Told about the plans for a republic, the octogenarian affected to be puzzled that anybody would go to the trouble of replacing a perfectly adequate and still fully functioning head of state.

It does not seem to bother anyone in the islands that many of the premier educational institutions in the Caribbean still carry the names of slave owners — Codrington College in Barbados — or the imperial past — Queen’s Royal College in Port of Spain. In Georgetown, boys and girls at my own alma mater, Queen’s College, still sing the school song Reginae Collegium in Latin as they have done for almost two centuries — even though in 1970, the year that Guyana became a republic, staff and students agreed to drop the verse about being loyal to Britain. There is no clamour to change the names; all three of these institutions and many more like them were created expressly to provide education for black children who were excluded from private tuition.

As for recent attempts to smear Churchill, I don’t suppose the young, mostly white, middle-class protesters who attacked his statue in Parliament Square would have much in common with the thousands of Caribbean men named after the war leader. Half a century after his death it is still one of the most popular names in Jamaica. I hesitate to repeat what Windrush veterans who were inspired to fight for the Empire by Churchill would say to those who daubed his statue with the word “racist”. History is never as simple as the woke anti-imperialists strive to make it.

The progressive movement, that has done so much to tackle inequality and unfairness, has been captured by ultras who demand absolute conformity with every article of their faith, especially from those who were once comrades in arms.

So it was depressing if not surprising that the Irish singing duo Jedward declared this week that the works of the feminist author JK Rowling should be burnt because she is, allegedly, transphobic. The fact that this phenomenally successful woman has put her money where her mouth is and supported countless charities, especially for underprivileged children, no longer counts for anything.


JK Rowling has compared gender treatment to gay conversion therapy
ANTHONY HARVEY/GETTY IMAGES
History shows us vividly where such zealous intolerance leads. In 1793, the author of The Rights of Man, Thomas Paine, whose works had helped to inspire both the American and French revolutions, was flung into jail on Robespierre’s orders for a lack of revolutionary fervour. It took an intervention from the future American president James Monroe to free him. As the Swiss-born political journalist Jacques Mallet du Pan observed at the time, the revolution was, like Saturn, devouring its own children and would become at least as bad as what came before.

Mallet du Pan was right. His bête noire, the revolution’s military hero, Napoleon Bonaparte, became a dictator and in 1794 dispatched troops to the Caribbean — not to quell a royalist revolt but to restore slavery to the republic.

Today, the effort to erase aspects of our history is a warning. We have never been in greater need of a full, complex version of our past. But human memories are short. According to a survey this year, over a third of Americans did not know when the Holocaust occurred; fewer than half were aware that Hitler had come to power in a democratic election. A 2019 poll showed that half did not realise that slavery existed in all 13 American colonies.

Censorship of the past is merely the warm-up for the crushing of dissent in the future. If we remove the reminders of where we have been, we take away the signposts to the cul-de-sacs — fascism, communism, genocide — into which human greed, vanity and selfishness have taken us, and we will almost certainly take the same routes again.

To misquote the wokeists’ favourite prophet Karl Marx, “History repeats itself, first as farce, then as tragedy.” The culture that seeks to damn our past and cancel anyone who disagrees promises dark days ahead.

Well worth a read cheers for posting it  THUMBS UP......
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« Reply #5 on: September 20, 2020, 02:20:43 PM »

History does matter.It matters one hell of a lot. It defines who we are as a people.Obviously there are things we should not feel proud about but it is wrong to try and erase the past. We should embrace our past warts and all. I couldn’t agree more with Trevor Phillips. He has it right. The vast majority of right thinking folk know that too. We are celebrating the 80 th anniversary of the Battle of Britain. Those young men and what they did humble us all. No doubt the Woke Brigade would find some reason for “ cancelling” them.
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« Reply #6 on: September 20, 2020, 02:26:33 PM »

The issue with that though is that them great heroes, most of them, are no longer with us to defend their rightful place in our history and the debt we owe them. That rightly is left to us to do, but the woke division will do their bit to erase it before much longer.....
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« Reply #7 on: September 20, 2020, 04:19:41 PM »

Thanks Willie. Excellent article.
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« Reply #8 on: September 20, 2020, 04:25:09 PM »

History does matter.It matters one hell of a lot. It defines who we are as a people.Obviously there are things we should not feel proud about but it is wrong to try and erase the past. We should embrace our past warts and all. I couldn’t agree more with Trevor Phillips. He has it right. The vast majority of right thinking folk know that too. We are celebrating the 80 th anniversary of the Battle of Britain. Those young men and what they did humble us all. No doubt the Woke Brigade would find some reason for “ cancelling” them.

Those who cannot remember the past are condemned to repeat it.

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« Reply #9 on: September 20, 2020, 04:45:58 PM »

Or if there’s one thing we’ve learnt from history it’s that we don’t learn from history.
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« Reply #10 on: September 20, 2020, 06:54:33 PM »

Can't be arsed reading that

Can it be summed up by saying "stop being stupid cunts"?
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